食品专业相关英文论文文献怎么写
一个与食品相关的英文文献A food related English Literature
食品专业相关英文论文文献
-5E70-4A0C-9300-6A8D450A7D06/0/pdf 食品试验装置 -Tpdf 有关婴儿食品 研究性文章(此类文章很少只有3000字的) 翻译你再想办法解决吧。Using Contemporary Archaeology and Applied Anthropology to Understand Food Loss in the American Food System Timothy W J PhD Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology University of Arizona Tucson, AZ 85721
food processing
翻译。。。毕业论文用。。。给你下十篇八篇都行,翻译太费时间了
食品专业相关英文论文范文
中西文化历来是世界文化的两大派系,而饮食在两个文化中部占有非常重要的地位。中西文化之间的差异从而造就了中西饮食文化的差异,在两种不同的文化背景下,中西方饮食习俗,不论在其观念、性质,还是在其方式、对象等诸多方面,所存在的差异是非常鲜明的。笔者根据自己几十年从事西式餐饮的经验,提出以下几点看法,以供参考。 1、中西饮食观念的差异 历史上,中国是世界上最古老的国家之一,有5000年的悠久而厚重的历史,创造了无数的灿烂文明,在这种文化蕴藏中,使中国的饮食更加博大精深。随着时间的流逝以及辽阔国土的地域差异,四大菜系逐渐形成,四大菜系自成体系,各有特点,但共同点是用料复杂考究,制作方法复杂,口味、菜式多种多样,令人惊叹。 西方以欧美为代表,其文化同样源远流长。到中世纪,欧洲文化已十分完善,在此期间,旧西方的饮食文化已经形成。其主要特点为:主食以面粉为主,原料也较为丰富,制作方法较中国简单,但同时也十分注重口味。 由于中西哲学思想的不同,西方人于饮食重科学。重科学即讲求营养。故西方饮食以营养为最高准则,进食犹如为一生物的机器添加燃料,特别讲求食物的营养成分,蛋白质、脂肪、碳水化合物、维生素及各类无机元素的含量是否搭配合宜,热量的供给是否恰到好处以及这些营养成分是否能为进食者充分吸收,有无其他副作用。这些问题都是烹调中的大学问,而菜肴的色、香、味如何,则是次一等的要求。即或在西方首屈一指的饮食大国——法国,其饮食文化虽然在很多方面与我们近似,但一接触到营养问题,双方便拉开了距离。 中国五味调和的烹调术旨在追求美味,其加工过程中的热油炸和长时间的文火攻,都会使菜肴的营养成分被破坏。法国烹调虽亦追求美味,但同时总不忘“营养”这一大前提,一味含营养而求美味是他们所不取的。尤其是20世纪60年代出现的现代烹调思想,特别强调养生、减肥,从而追求清淡少油,强调采用新鲜原料,强调烹调过程中保持原有的营养成分和原有的味道,所以蔬菜基本上都是生吃。所以说西方饮食之重营养是带有普遍性的。 2、中西饮食对象的差异 西方人认为菜肴是充饥的,所以专吃大块肉、整块鸡等“硬菜”;而中国的菜肴是“吃味”的。所以中国烹调在用料上也显出极大的随意性:许多西方人视为弃物的东西,在中国都是极好的原料,外国厨师无法处理的东西,一到中国厨师手里,就可以化腐朽为神奇。足见中国饮食在用料方面的随意性之广博。 据西方植物学者的调查,中国人吃的菜蔬有600多种,比西方多6倍。实际上,在中国人的菜肴里,素菜是平常食品,荤菜只有在节假日或生活水平较高时,才进入平常的饮食结构,所以自古便有“菜食”之说,菜食在平常的饮食结构中占主导地位。中国人的以植物为主菜,与佛教徒的鼓吹有着千丝万缕的联系。佛教便视动物为“生灵”,而植物则“无灵”,所以,主张素食主义。 西方人在介绍自己国家的饮食特点时,觉得比中国更重视营养的合理搭配,有较为发达的食品工业,如罐头、快餐等,虽口味千篇一律,但节省时间,且营养良好。故他们国家的人身体普遍比中国人健壮:高个、长腿、宽大的肩、发达的肌肉;而中国人则显得身材瘦小、肩窄腿短、色黄质弱。有人根据中西方饮食对象的明显差异这一特点,把中国人称为植物性格,西方人称为动物性格。 3、中西钦食方式、餐具及礼仪的不同 中西方的饮食方式有很大不同,这种差异对民族性格也有影响。在中国,任何一个宴席,不管是什么目的,都只会有一种形式,就是大家团团围坐,共享一席;筵席要用圆桌,这就从形式上造成了一种团结、礼貌、共趣的气氛。美味佳肴放在一桌人的中心,它既是一桌人欣赏、品尝的对象,又是一桌人感情交流的媒介物。人与人相互敬酒、相互让菜、劝菜,在美好的事物面前,体现了人与人之间相互尊重、争让的美德。虽然从卫生的角度看,这种饮食方式有明显的不足之处,但它符合我们民族“大团圆”的普遍心态,反映了中国古典哲学中“和”这个范畴对后代思想的影响,便于集体的情感交流,因而至今难以改革。 在餐具方面,差异就更甚明显。众所周知,中国人包括亚洲一些黄种人的国家,使用的是筷子、汤匙,吃饭也用碗盛;而西方人呢,则是盘子盛食物,用刀叉即切即吃,喝汤则有专门的汤匙。筷子与刀叉作为东西方最具代表性的两种餐具,筷子和刀叉影响了东西方不同的生活方式,代表着不同的两种智慧。著名的物理学家、诺贝尔物理奖获得者李政道博士,在接受一位日本记者采访时,也有一段很精辟的论述:“中华民族是个优秀民族,中国人早在春秋战国时期就使用了筷子。如此简单的两根东西,却是高妙绝伦地运用了物理学上的杠杆原理。筷子是人类手指的延伸,手指能做的事它几乎都能做,而且不怕高温与寒冷。真是高明极了!” 在礼仪方面,中西两者更显不同。在中国古代,在用餐过程中,就有一套繁文缛节。《礼记·曲记》载:“共食不饱,共饭不择手,毋放饭,……毋固获,毋扬饭,……卒食,客自前跪,撒饭齐以授相者,主人辞于客,然后客坐。”这段话大意主要是:大家共同吃饭时,不可以只顾自己吃饭。如果和别人一起吃饭,必须检查手的清洁。不要把多余的饭放回锅里,不要专占着食物,也不要簸扬着热饭。吃完饭后,客人应该起身向前收拾桌上的盘碟,交给主人,主人跟着起身,请客人不要劳动,然后客人再坐下。这些礼仪有的在现代也是必要的礼貌。在西方宴席上,主人一般只给客人夹一次菜,其余由客人自主食用:若客人不要,也不便硬让人家再吃,也不要按中国人的习惯频频给客人劝酒、夹菜。吃东西时,也不要发出响声,但客人要注意赞赏主人准备的饭菜。若与人谈话,只能与邻座的交谈,不要与距离远的人交谈。 4、中西饮食性质的差异 饮食观念的不同,使西方饮食倾向于科学、理性,中国饮食倾向于艺术、感性。烹调出自饮食,饮食原来是一个旨在供给维持生命的营养。西方饮食习俗的着重点仅仅是原始的饮食实用性的延伸;而中国饮食习俗中对味的偏重,就把饮食推向了艺术的殿堂。从这两种饮食观可以看出:西方饮食日趋规范化,中,国饮食随意性大。 中西方饮食文化差异是明显的,而且各有长处。随着经济全球化及信息变流的加快,中西饮食文化将在碰撞中不断融合,在融合中相互互补。现在的中餐已开始注重食物的营养性、健康性和烹饪的科学性;西餐也开始向中餐的色、香、味、意、形的境界发展。中西餐饮文化将在交流中共同发展。
在网上百度一下,搜索有关介绍食品的英语作文,上面应该有很多这方面的文章,相信会有你想要的文章。
Everyone grows up in love, the love from parents, the love from teachers, the love from friends and so They are all the most important feelings to People take care of me because of I smile to them because of People encourage me because of I succeed in doing something because of Nobody can live without It is likely to be the water or the Although it is difficult for others to care, it is necessary and I have found many types of love, and I am thankful to They give me love and enable me to know what happiness It is love, the most important feeling in my
食品专业相关英文论文选题
你说的是西方的饮食资料吗?我这里有一些,不知道有没有用~餐饮产品由于地域特征、气侯环境、风俗习惯等因素的影响,会出现在原料、口味、烹调方法、饮食习惯上的不同程度的差异。正是因为这些差异,餐饮产品具有了强烈的地域性。中西文化之间的差异造就了中西饮食文化的差异,而这种差异来自中西方不同的思维方式和处世哲学。中国人注重“天人合一”,西方人注重“以人为本”。 这里简要从下面三个方面谈谈中西方饮食文化的差异。 一、两种不同的饮食观念 对比注重“味”的中国饮食,西方是一种理性饮食观念。不论食物的色、香、味、形如何,而营养一定要得到保证,讲究一天要摄取多少热量、维生素、蛋白质等等。即便口味千篇一律,也一定要吃下去——因为有营养。这一饮食观念同西方整个哲学体系是相适应的。形而上学是西方哲学的主要特点。西方哲学所研究的对象为事物之理,事物之理常为形上学理,形上学理互相连贯,便结成形上哲学。这一哲学给西方文化带来生机,使之在自然科学上、心理学上、方法论上实现了突飞猛进的发展。但在另一些方面,这种哲学主张大大地起了阻碍作用,如饮食文化。在宴席上,可以讲究餐具,讲究用料,讲究服务,讲究菜之原料的形、色方面的搭配;但不管怎么豪华高档,从洛杉矶到纽约,牛排都只有一种味道,无艺术可言。作为菜肴,鸡就是鸡,牛排就是牛排,纵然有搭配,那也是在盘中进行的,一盘“法式羊排”,一边放土豆泥,旁倚羊排,另一边配煮青豆,加几片番茄便成。色彩上对比鲜明,但在滋味上各种原料互不相干、调和,各是各的味,简单明了。 中国人是很重视“吃”的,“民以食为天”这句谚语就说明我们把吃看得与天一样重要。由于我们这个民族几千年来都处于低下的生产力水平,人们总是吃不饱,所以才会有一种独特的把吃看得重于一切的饮食文化,我想,这大概是出于一种生存需要吧。如果一种文化把吃看成首要的事,那么就会出现两种现象:一方面会把这种吃的功能发挥到极致,不仅维持生存,也利用它维持健康,这也就是”药补不如食补”的文化基础;另一方面,对吃的过份重视,会使人推崇对美味的追求。 在中国的烹调术中,对美味追求几乎达到极致,以至中国人到海外谋生,都以开餐馆为业,成了我们在全世界安身立命的根本!遗憾的是,当我们把追求美味作为第一要求时,我们却忽略了食物最根本的营养价值,我们的很多传统食品都要经过热油炸和长时间的文火饨煮,使菜肴的营养成分受到破坏,许多营养成分都损失在加工过程中了。因而一说到营养问题,实际上就触及到了中国饮食文化的最大弱点。民间有句俗话:“民以食为天,食以味为先”。就是这种对美味的追求,倒使我们忽略了吃饭的真正意义。 中国人在品尝菜肴时,往往会说这盘菜“好吃”,那道菜“不好吃”;然而若要进一步问一下什么叫“好吃”,为什么“好吃”,“好吃”在哪里,恐怕就不容易说清楚了。这说明,中国人对饮食追求的是一种难以言传的“意境”,即使用人们通常所说的“色、香、味、形、器”来把这种“境界”具体化,恐怕仍然是很难涵盖得了的。 中国饮食之所以有其独特的魅力,关键就在于它的味。而美味的产生,在于调和,要使食物的本味,加热以后的熟味,加上配料和辅料的味以及调料的调和之味,交织融合协调在一起,使之互相补充,互助渗透,水乳交融,你中有我,我中有你。中国烹饪讲究的调和之美,是中国烹饪艺术的精要之处。菜点的形和色是外在的东西,而味却是内在的东西,重内在而不刻意修饰外表,重菜肴的味而不过分展露菜肴的形和色,这正是中国美性饮食观的最重要的表现。 在中国,饮食的美性追求显然压倒了理性,这种饮食观与中国传统的哲学思想也是吻合的。作为东方哲学代表的中国哲学,其显著特点是宏观、直观、模糊及不可捉摸。中国菜的制作方法是调和鼎鼐,最终是要调和出一种美好的滋味。这一讲究的就是分寸,就是整体的配合。它包含了中国哲学丰富的辩证法思想,一切以菜的味的美好、谐调为度,度以内的千变万化就决定了中国菜的丰富和富于变化,决定了中国菜菜系的特点乃至每位厨师的特点。 二、中西饮食对象的差异 西方人认为菜肴是充饥的,所以专吃大块肉、整块鸡等“硬菜”。而中国的菜肴是“吃味”的,所以中国烹调在用料上也显出极大的随意性:许多西方人视为弃物的东西,在中国都是极好的原料,外国厨师无法处理的东西,一到中国厨师手里,就可以化腐朽为神奇。足见中国饮食在用料方面的随意性之广博。 据西方的植物学者的调查,中国人吃的菜蔬有600多种,比西方多六倍。实际上,在中国人的菜肴里,素菜是平常食品,荤菜只有在节假日或生活水平较高时,才进入平常的饮食结构,所以自古便有“菜食”之说,菜食在平常的饮食结构中占主导地位。中国人的以植物为主菜,与佛教徒的鼓吹有着千缕万丝的联系。他们视动物为“生灵”,而植物则“无灵”,所以,主张素食主义。 西方人在介绍自己国家的饮食特点时,觉得比中国更重视营养的合理搭配,有较为发达的食品工业,如罐头、快餐等,虽口味千篇一律,但节省时间,且营养良好,故他们国家的人身体普遍比中国人健壮:高个、长腿、宽大的肩、发达的肌肉;而中国人则显得身材瘦小、肩窄腿短、色黄质弱。有人根据中西方饮食对象的明显差异这一特点,把中国人称为植物性格,西方人称为动物性格。 三、饮食方式的不同 中西方的饮食方式有很大不同,这种差异对民族性格也有影响。在中国,任何一个宴席,不管是什么目的,都只会有一种形式,就是大家团团围坐,共享一席。筵席要用圆桌,这就从形式上造成了一种团结、礼貌、共趣的气氛。美味佳肴放在一桌人的中心,它既是一桌人欣赏、品尝的对象,又是一桌人感情交流的媒介物。人们相互敬酒、相互让菜、劝菜,在美好的事物面前,体现了人们之间相互尊重、礼让的美德。虽然从卫生的角度看,这种饮食方式有明显的不足之处,但它符合我们民族“大团圆”的普遍心态,反映了中国古典哲学中“和”这个范畴对后代思想的影响,便于集体的情感交流,因而至今难以改革。 西式饮宴上,食品和酒尽管非常重要,但实际上那是作为陪衬。宴会的核心在于交谊,通过与邻座客人之间的交谈,达到交谊的目的。如果将宴会的交谊性与舞蹈相类比,那么可以说,中式宴席好比是集体舞,而西式宴会好比是男女的交谊舞。由此可见,中式宴会和西式宴会交谊的目的都很明显,只不过中式宴会更多地体现在全席的交谊,而西式宴会多体现于相邻宾客之间的交谊。与中国饮食方式的差异更为明显的是西方流行的自助餐。此法是:将所有食物一一陈列出来,大家各取所需,不必固定在位子上吃,走动自由,这种方式便于个人之间的情感交流,不必将所有的话摆在桌面上,也表现了西方人对个性、对自我的尊重。但各吃各的,互不相扰,缺少了一些中国人聊欢共乐的情调。 所以,归根结底还是感性与理性之间的差异。但是,这种差异似乎在随着科学的发展而变的模糊。越来越多的中国人以不再只注重菜的色、香、味,而更注重它的卫生与营养了。尤其是在经历了非典以后。还有,人们因为越来越繁忙的工作,觉得中餐做起来太麻烦,不如来个汉堡方便等。这样一来在饮食上差异也就不太分明了。
食品科学专业的英文论文。咋们一切都好说的 要吗
食品专业相关英文论文题目
Annex 3: Agricultural Policy and Food Security in China中国农业政策与食品安全--------------------------------------------------------------------------------IntroductionFood security and the performance of the agricultural sectorAgricultural development strategy, policies and food securityChina's food economy prospectsIssues and challengesConcluding RemarksReferences--------------------------------------------------------------------------------IntroductionChina's effort to produce enough to feed its growing population has long been It feeds over one-fifth of the world's population with only one-fifteenth of the world's arable In recent history, China has either exported food or imported relatively China was a net exporter of food, even of grain, in the Although China became a net importer of grain in the 1960s, the share of net imports to total domestic consumption was Net import shares reached approximately three percent in the early reform period (1978-84), then declined to approximately one percent in the following period (1985-90) China has since become a net grain exporter, except in 1995 when it had a record level grain imports of nearly 20 million Net exports between 1992 and 1994 were over 5 million tons While China's grain imports may grow slightly in the coming decades, the nation has developed a strong position as a net exporter of food (both grain and non grain) in value terms by exporting high value-added foodstuff including livestock products and other processed foods during the reform Net food exports grew to 3 billion US dollars in 1985 and peaked at 3 billion dollars in 1993, from a state of balanced trade (in value terms) in 1980 (China Customs Statistics)China's future food security, however, is a subject of growing First, although China's food production has grown over the last several decades, year-to-year fluctuations of food supply and prices are Market stabilization and food price inflation have been among the major targets of government policy since the late The Chinese government considers maintaining a comparatively high level of food self-sufficiency, avoiding supply shocks, and stabilizing consumer prices, a matter of national security and stability:Only when the Chinese people are free from food availability and stability of food supply worries can they concentrate on and support the current reform, thus ensuring a sustained, rapid and healthy development of the economy (The State Council, 1996)To this end, the government recently adopted measures to stabilize domestic food supply and stabilize the market - these measures include administrative and economic intervention in food distribution and marketing systems, national and local food reserve schemes, price regulations, international trade, factor markets, and rural infrastructure Secondly, food security and access to food are mainly poverty Although national economic growth is strong, it is uneven across Farmer's incomes in the central and eastern regions of China continue to grow more rapidly than those in the west and Income inequality among regions, between rural and urban areas, and within regions continues to grow (MOA, 1997) In the early 1980s, tremendous progress was made in addressing China's poverty problem, mainly due to the government's rural reform However, this progress has slowed down over the past ten Finally, China's food supply availability could be a major food security issue in the coming decades if policies were not formulated in the right Worldwide, food production growth rates have outpaced population growth in recent decades, implying increased food availability per Furthermore, the decline of real food and feed grain prices internationally over the same period implies that supply increases have exceeded increased However, the situation differs from country to China faces the great challenge of feeding its growing population with declining land, water, and other food production resources, and increasing opportunity cost of labor and domestic food production Food supply availability in China is important not only because it concerns a large proportion of the world's population and consumption, but also because rapid industrialization has led to competition for resources between agricultural and non-agricultural sectors, strong income growth, rapid urbanization, and population All of these stimulate demand for agricultural Government officials and scholars have focused food economy and food security concerns on the grain economy because grain (both food and feedgrain) is a major component of China's food Historically, grain fundamentalism, the provision of adequate cereal grain supplies at low stable prices to urban residents, has been an overriding government Recurring food shortages, particularly the famine of the early 1960s, increased the official desire for assured and secure grain This concern, coupled with rapidly increasing urbanization, domestic infrastructure and transport constraints, domestic grain price spikes in 1994/1995, Brown's 1995 prediction that China will become an importer of massive amounts of grain in the next few decades, the weaknesses of the fiscal system in the provision of public goods (particular agricultural research and extension), has attracted worldwide attention in the past 4 A number of recent studies conducted by both domestic and international organizations have led to a consensus that while the increases in China's grain imports will be marginal and the nation will remain at a high level of food self-sufficiency in the coming decades, China's long-term food security is an issue of both national and international The sheer size of China's economy and its rapid growth will make China a crucial influence in the future development of world markets for inputs and outputs of food and agricultural products, agribusiness, and Along with this growth is its gradual progress toward market-orientation and global integration, urbanization, the shift of comparative advantage from agriculture to other sectors, and dietary Small adjustments to China's food supply and demand, agricultural input demand shifts, and the Chinese government's selection of food security policy will each have large effects on world agricultural This paper evaluates China's food security situation, reviews the performance of the food and agricultural sector, considers the role of food policies, particularly the most recent price and marketing reform policies, in improving the food situation, and identifies key issues related to food security which require further The next section reviews previous achievements and sources of growth in agricultural production and food The third section analyzes current government policies and programmes and their impacts on agricultural production and food The fourth section predicts the shape of China's food economy over the next three decades; while the fifth section discusses the major challenges and constraints to agricultural production and food Concrete measures and options towards sustainable agricultural growth and food production are suggested in the final Food security and the performance of the agricultural sector--------------------------------------------------------------------------------Food security: an overviewSummary of China's approaches to improved food securityOther issuesChanging role of agriculture in the economyAgricultural production growth--------------------------------------------------------------------------------Food security: an overviewChina's ability to feed over one-fifth of the world's population with only seven percent of the world's arable land is widely China, with more than 23 billion people in 1997, is the world's most populous Its experience demonstrates the importance of technological development, institutional change, improved incentives, and rural development among other policies in improving food security with limited natural Availability of foodChina's per capita food availability and consumption have increased over the last several Average per capita food availability has grown from less than 1700 kcal in 1960 to 2570 kcal per day in 1995 (Table 1)[19] Increased domestic production is almost solely responsible for increased food Protein intake and fat consumption per capita per day increased over the same period, from 42 grams to 70 grams, and 17 grams to 45 grams, Both figures exceed average nutrient availability in countries with comparable per capita GNP Nutritional composition changes of Chinese diets are consistent with growing income (Table 1) Nutrient sources are a powerful indicator of the population's economic In low income countries, the average diet includes a high percentage of nutrients from crops, while a typical developed country diet includes a relatively high percentage of nutrients from animal In China, traditional diets were typically based on cereals, vegetables, and small quantities of meat and Consumption of relatively expensive non-cereal food items, particularly livestock products and fish, have increased with rapid increases in per capita income, urbanization, and market expansion (Huang and Bouis, 1996)Aggregate household food securityAggregate household food security has improved According to the FAO's WFS (1996), Chinese household food security, as measured by the aggregate household food security index (AHFSI) and the level of food inadequacy, follow overall national The AHFSI increased from a low level of 70 percent in 1969-71 to a relatively high level of nearly 80 percent in 1990-92, while food inadequacy declined from slightly over 14 percent to approximately 3 percent in the same Table Nutrient availabilityYearEnergy(kcal)Protein(grams)Fat(grams)Crop ProductsAnimal ProductsEnergy(%)Protein(%)Fat(%)Energy(%)Protein(%)Fat(%)196016764217979376372419702087532396936747331980247064329490606104019902505683791865591445199525707045888151121949Table Per capita daily nutrient intake by income group in sample provinces, Income groupSichuanNingxiaHebeiZhejiangGuangdongBeijingEnergy intake (kcal)Average233524022227246024252309Poorest 10%18891819197019712129196010% - 25%20682142209322172174185525% - 50%22712319220123142191209150% - 75%24852480225625592583237175% - 90%260626422284271125322605Richest 10%285230742559298327972972Protein intake (g)A1Poorest 10%910% - 25%025% - 50%050% - 75%375% - 90%2Richest 10%5Fat intake (g)A5Poorest 10%510% - 25%425% - 50%150% - 75%575% - 90%6Richest 10%9Annual per capita income (yuan)Average55864365899110271270Poorest 10%25123020429943348810% - 25%34732134950862470525% - 50%443457499739809101250% - 75%57968669210581075134675% - 90%756975948145714331748Richest 10%111513951453216320332633Household food security by income groupTables 2, 3, and 4 show household nutrient intake and source by income group based on a food and nutrition survey conducted by the Chinese Academy of Preventative Medicine (CAPM) and the State Statistical Bureau (SSB) in 1990, Tables 5 and 6 show the physical development of children and equity as well as poverty in the rural China based on a food consumption and expenditure survey conducted by the SSB for the years 1978- Nutrient intake varies greatly across income groups, although average per capita energy intake in all sample provinces topped 2200 kcal (Table 2) Daily energy intake of the 25% of the population with annual per capita income less than 500- 700 yuan (level varies by province) was below 2200 Energy intake of the poorest 10 percent was only 82 percent of the sample Protein and fat intakes decline as income falls in a similar Table Sources of energy by income group in China's sample provinces,
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